The Economist reports on how Algeria's ailing leader Abd al-Aziz Bouteflika is
preparing for his faction's political future:
In a series of moves that count as bold and radical in a place inured to
politics as a hazy shadow play, Mr Bouteflika appears to have grabbed
more power for loyalists and emasculated potential rivals. Come
presidential elections due in April 2014, the incumbent may either be
able to install a member of his own faction as successor or, with truly
death-defying drama, run himself for an unprecedented fourth five-year
term.
This turn of events was foreshadowed in July with a series of quiet
staff changes in the army and security agencies. In August a
controversial internal vote in the Front de Libération Nationale (FLN),
the political wing of the Algerian independence movement that remains
the country’s largest political party, installed a presidential loyalist
as party head, a position used in the past to challenge Mr Bouteflika’s
dominance. On September 3rd Algerian dailies reported a rearrangement
of the security bureaucracy: three directorates were removed from the
supervision of the intelligence services and placed under the control of
the army. And on September 11th a cabinet reshuffle replaced 11
ministers, most of them disgruntled FLN men.
Close associates of the president now control the interior and justice
portfolios. Aside from Mr Bouteflika, the main beneficiary of the
changes appears to be the army chief of staff, Ahmed Gaid Salah. The
73-year-old was appointed as deputy defence minister (Mr Bouteflika
himself is the titular minister). Moreover, the agencies transferred to
his fief include one that runs the intelligence services’ relations with
the press—or rather, their domination and infiltration of Algeria’s
media—as well as a department that ensures internal political security
in the army and one that has pursued embarrassing corruption cases.
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