tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-52217192024-02-16T19:15:32.477-05:00Brian's CoffeehouseCommentary on the Politics, History and Culture of the Middle East and Central Asia, by Brian UlrichBrian Ulrichhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06986631330360998134noreply@blogger.comBlogger4375125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5221719.post-53215456463880311732017-07-27T20:08:00.000-04:002019-02-03T18:40:52.693-05:00Teaching at a Public Comprehensive University: Three ItemsSo, you are about to start teaching at a public comprehensive university somewhere in the United States, quite possibly with a direction as part of its name. <a href="http://www.ship.edu/" target="_blank">Shippensburg University</a> doesn't have a direction, but it is a public comprehensive university of about 7000 undergraduates and just over 1000 graduate students, and so not that different from many others. All institution types have a few things in common, but there are often differences, and the peculiarities of public comprehensives aren't always communicated amidst the focus on large research institutions and their supposed opposite, small liberal arts colleges.<br />
<br />
This post is therefore about three things I've learned from being here, much of which I think is common at similar institutions. The biggest reason Shippensburg may stand out in the bunch is that it is a unionized campus with a fairly low cap on adjunct teaching and lots of small class sizes even in many general education courses. Without further ado...<br />
<br />
1.) Students will have diverse skill levels<br />
<br />
Honestly, the range of ability at Shippensburg is much larger than anywhere else I have ever been. You have some students who are very weak, and quickly fail out or barely make it. They are there because public comprehensives are usually unselective and your may have been the only institution to take them. You will also have students who would excel no matter where they went. They are there because they wanted to go someplace close to home or where tuition was cheaper.<br />
<br />
What this means is that you have to craft courses in a way that students of a variety of skills can benefit from them. This is actually where I think having studied secondary education in college and becoming a certified teacher (though I never taught K-12) has served me well, in that I was specifically taught to think that way in my social studies methods course. You might assign an essay requiring some complex reasoning, while accepting that your bottom 20% will simply improve at writing grammatically, or a reading where the bottom students will simply improve at spotting the parts of a scholarly article. At the same time, you might spend class time on some basics to make sure everyone you can is at a certain level, assuming that the top students are more likely to have done the reading and gotten a more complex picture.<br />
<br />
2.) Students will be very focused on professions<br />
<br />
At this point in time, I'm not sure this is that different from other places, even in matters of degree, so let me approach it this way. Starting in grad school and through an adjunct course at <a href="http://www.beloit.edu/" target="_blank">Beloit College</a> and a VAP year at <a href="http://www.colgate.edu/" target="_blank">Colgate</a>, the "tough audience" for history classes was supposed to be science majors. When I started at Shippensburg, I therefore used James McClellan and Harold Dorn's <a href="https://www.amazon.com/Science-Technology-World-History-Introduction/dp/1421417758/" target="_blank"><i>Science and Technology in World History</i></a> alongside my department's common world history textbook and a primary source reader. I think some students liked it who wouldn't otherwise have liked anything in the course, but I was trying to solve the wrong problem.<br />
<br />
At Shippensburg, and I believe at most similar institutions, students flock overwhelmingly to the directly pre-professional majors such as business, education, and criminal justice. Their view of college is strictly vocational, and to be honest, given the costs of college, I don't blame them for their lack of idealism. It does mean, however, that expanding the range of those who value your course means trying to show it as having significance for their professional futures beyond just the idea of becoming an educated citizen of a democracy.<br />
<br />
Sometimes this involves low-hanging fruit: basics of reading, writing, and critical thinking are widely respected, and history in particular excels at "symphonic thinking" - recognizing patterns and seeing big pictures. I tell students that once they've written good cover letters and reports and read whatever people in their professional field read to keep ahead, they might one day notice a pattern in reports from subordinates all around a district of which they are manager, and this is the same thing historians do when we see a pattern in our primary sources that turns up as a general statement in their textbook.<br />
<br />
In ancient and medieval history, students can usually be persuaded that religions matter, while the conceptual level that is inevitable when dealing with those periods helps them think about why the world is the way it is, and therefore what types of things might change it. This easily relates to business buzzwords about anticipating the future and spotting trends. When credit appears in history, you can stop and think about why credit matters in an economy, which many students don't. I highlight Isaac Newton's troubled past for social work majors, and call attention to education systems during the Enlightenment and in nation-building for the education students.<br />
<br />
Does it all work? Impossible to say, since you never get everyone on board, and I have no idea if more students assert that my class is interesting (or boring) than do for my colleagues or would if I related everything that happened to its impact on grass. Thinking about where your students are at and what matters to them is always a good idea, though.<br />
<br />
3.) Service, service, service<br />
<br />
There are famously three aspects to being a college professor: teaching, research, and service. Much time is spent discussing whether institutions are teaching-oriented or research-oriented. I wouldn't go so far as to say that public comprehensives are service-oriented, but they do seem to have heavier service requirements than many other institutions. If that is the case, it might have to do with having the bureaucracy of a public university, but fewer economic resources than the flagships.<br />
<br />
Consider this: At many institutions, JSTOR catalogs are purchased as they come out by the library. At Shippensburg, interested faculty have to submit an application to a competitive grant to acquire them, an internal grant program in which other faculty, of course, have to participate. Faculty governance always means work; the more decisions have to be made or reporting mandates have to be fulfilled, the more work there is.<br />
<br />
A colleague at one of my sister institutions once estimated that promotion decisions at her school were based about 40% on service. Because of this, being on the right committees is something even junior faculty strategize about and compete over. At Shippensburg, a lot of campuswide committee appointments are made by the union. At the end of both my third and fourth years, when the call went out, I submitted various committees I would be interested in serving on. I got no committee assignments at the end of my third year, and only one my fourth year. My sense is that experience was extreme, but the point about service mattering a lot remains.Brian Ulrichhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06986631330360998134noreply@blogger.com2tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5221719.post-22264288510620062142017-07-27T19:05:00.003-04:002019-02-03T18:40:51.999-05:00Tap, TapIs this thing on?Brian Ulrichhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06986631330360998134noreply@blogger.com2tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5221719.post-43491144878930110632016-10-27T14:16:00.001-04:002019-02-03T18:40:52.423-05:00Nasir-i Khusraw Essay QuestionsThis semester is my second of assigning <a href="http://www.mazdapublishers.com/book/book-of-travels" target="_blank">Nasir-i Khusraw's <i>Book of Travels</i></a> to my students in HIS 339: The Central Islamic Lands, 500-1700. The book is a good chance to talk about Perso-Islamic culture, Isma'ili Shi'ism, the Fatimids, and simply to read an example of the medieval Middle East's rich travel literature. Students then write an essay on one of three questions. Here are the ones I've used:<br />
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: .5in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12.0pt;">1.)<span style="font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12.0pt;">In
what ways is Nasir-i Khusraw’s travelogue influenced by his identity as a
philosophically inclined Persian convert to Isma’ili Shi’ism?<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: .5in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12.0pt;">2.)<span style="font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12.0pt;">What
are the ways in which Islam is physically manifested in the places Nasir-i
Khusraw visits?<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: .5in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12.0pt;">3.)<span style="font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12.0pt;">How
did Middle Eastern rulers use ritual and monumental building to justify their
rule?<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: .5in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12.0pt;">4.)<span style="font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12.0pt;">How
do Nasir-i Khusraw and others observe and interact with their natural
environment, including other organisms?</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: .5in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -.25in;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12pt; text-indent: -0.25in;">5.) How
does legend influence the understanding of place in Nasir-i Khusraw’s travelogue?</span></div>
Brian Ulrichhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06986631330360998134noreply@blogger.com3tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5221719.post-11372835352776784682016-07-23T14:04:00.000-04:002016-07-23T14:04:56.747-04:00Christians and the Qur'anLast Sunday I blogged about <a href="http://bjulrich.blogspot.com/2016/07/covenant-of-umar.html" target="_blank">current views</a> of the <a href="http://legacy.fordham.edu/halsall/source/pact-umar.asp" target="_blank">Covenant of Umar</a>, which provided the framework in which Islamic jurisprudents considered the legal position of non-Muslims under Islamic rule. I highlighted <a href="http://www.cambridge.org/us/academic/subjects/history/middle-east-history/non-muslims-early-islamic-empire-surrender-coexistence?format=HB" target="_blank">an argument by Milka Levy-Rubin</a> that much of it went back to the Sasanian social class hierarchy, with religion replacing social class as the key differentiator between strata of the population.<br />
<br />
One stipulation which I don't believe Levy-Rubin dealt with, however, is "We shall neither learn the Qur'an nor teach it to our children." (EBL is down for maintenance, so I can't check for sure.) This clause was, however, the focus of a chapter in the outstanding edited volume <i>T</i><a href="http://www.darwinpress.com/Books%20SLAEI/SLAEI-26-ThePlaceToGo%20(978-0-87850-212-7)/main.html" target="_blank"><i>he Place to Go: Contexts of Learning in Baghdad 750-1000 C.E</i>.</a><i> </i>The stipulation mentioned seems peculiar for a missionary religion and has often been taken as simply another way of marking boundaries between the ruling class and others. In this chapter, however, Clare Wilde argues instead that it arose from a concern with properly reverential approaches to Islam's sacred text, as well as the fact Christians often used the Qur'an to argue on behalf of their own religion.<br />
<br />
The latter, of course, involved accepted the Qur'an as a divinely revealed text, but highlighting ways in which it could be read and confirming Christianity. Christian exposure to the Qur'an owed something to its use as a tool in learning Arabic, which by the ninth century had become the lingua franca of the imperial elite. Much as Muslims found support of Islam in the Bible, Christians looked at <a href="http://quran.com/4:171" target="_blank">Qur'an 4:171</a>, which refers to Jesus as the word and spirit of God, as indicating his divine status, especially in the context of the Muslim theological disputes over the nature of the Qur'an as God's word. The mysterious letters which begin some suras were also interpreted as supporting Christianity. Sura two, which begins <a href="http://quran.com/2:1" target="_blank">a-l-m</a>, was seen as referring to the Messiah, "al-masih."<br />
<br />
Wilde also highlights a few other aspects of the Covenant of Umar's prohibition, such as whether banning non-Muslims from a key Arabic instructional text could have been designed to hinder their fluency in the educated form of the language. The point here is, though, that it is a complex document which arose in a certain time and place under certain social and cultural conditions, and we have to understand those conditions to understand the document and its intentions.Brian Ulrichhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06986631330360998134noreply@blogger.com2tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5221719.post-55739435991404442342016-07-17T14:40:00.001-04:002016-07-17T14:58:08.464-04:00Covenant of UmarOne of my projects this summer has involved the history of Christianity in the Persian Gulf, a little-known part of the broader history of Middle Eastern Christianity. What I've been doing on this point is synthesizing existing scholarship as part of a broader history of the Persian Gulf in the early Islamic period. Gulf Christianity is surprisingly absent from most works of synthesis; for example, it is covered in neither of the relevant Arabian Peninsula chapters of the <i><a href="http://www.cambridge.org/us/academic/subjects/history/regional-and-world-history-general-interest/new-cambridge-history-islam" target="_blank">New Cambridge History of Islam</a></i>. The one narrative survey which integrates it into broader developments is Dan Potts's <i><a href="https://books.google.com/books/about/The_Arabian_Gulf_in_antiquity.html" target="_blank">The Arabian Gulf in Antiquity</a></i>, which is 25 years old.<br />
<br />
For many people, any discussion of Christianity in the Islamic period must involve the text, or rather family of texts, called the <a href="http://legacy.fordham.edu/halsall/source/pact-umar.asp" target="_blank">Covanant of Umar</a>. Purportedly offered to the early caliph Umar b. al-Khattab by Christians at the time of the initial Islamic conquests, it became a later cornerstone of Islamic jurisprudence on the treatment of non-Muslims under Islamic rule, especially Jews and Christians. However, it is not nearly as obviously relevant to the history of Gulf Christianity as some might think.<br />
<br />
For most of a century now, scholars have often dated the covenant, which exists in several forms, to the early eighth-century Umayyad caliph Umar b. Abd al-Aziz, who sought to place Umayyad government on a more overtly Islamic footing and issued a number of regulations for non-Muslims. The recent indispensable study of the matter, however, is Milka Levy-Rubin's <i><a href="http://www.cambridge.org/us/academic/subjects/history/middle-east-history/non-muslims-early-islamic-empire-surrender-coexistence?format=HB" target="_blank">Non-Muslims in the Early Islamic Empire</a></i>. Through meticulous research, Levy-Rubin demonstrates that as late as about 800, the Covenant of Umar was one of several competing theo-juristic models for how Muslims should be regulating the non-Muslims among them.<br />
<br />
Levy-Rubin argues more comprehensively than I have generally seen that most of the stipulations in the Covenant go back to Byzantine and Sasanian precedents, and one of her contributions is linking many of its stipulations to Sasanian social codes which used dress to distinguish within its strict class hierarchy. As Muslim society gradually took on some of the Sasanian ethos, religion replaced social class as the primary marker of social standing in the Islamic jurisprudential tradition.<br />
<br />
A key moment in the imposition of the Covenant of Umar's stipulations was the reign of the Abbasid caliph al-Mutawakkil from 847-861. Others have highlighted how his reign marked a turn in which the caliphs moved away from trying to impose their own religious authority in favor of ruling as the agent of an independent class of ulama. A key development was ending the mihna, an inquisition by which the caliphs sought to impose the doctrine that the Qur'an was created and not eternal. It is perhaps relevant to this environment that al-Mutawakkil issued a decree implementing stipulations of the Covenant of Umar, which would subsequently become the standard reference as described above.<br />
<br />
I began this post by linking it to my work on Gulf Christianity. The connection, or rather lack of connection, is that Gulf Christianity seems to have disappeared at about the same time the Covenant of Umar was being imposed. These two developments also do not appear to be related, since the Abbasid caliphs did not have control of the relevant areas of the Gulf at the time and, as I will eventually explain, there are other factors to explain Christianity's decline there.Brian Ulrichhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06986631330360998134noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5221719.post-24845110754804096982016-06-22T21:10:00.002-04:002019-02-03T18:40:52.036-05:00Iranian Revolution Video GameThe article on this involves the regime's censorship, but the video game 1979 Revolution: Black Friday sounds like it has <a href="http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/originals/2016/06/iran-black-friday-1979-revolution-game-khonsari-banned.html" target="_blank">potential as a teaching tool</a>:<br />
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<i>The game’s title comes from a massacre that took place in Tehran’s Jaleh
Square (later renamed Martyrs’ Square) on Sept. 8, 1978. Shah Mohammad
Reza Pahlavi’s military fired on protesters for violating martial law,
killing scores of people. This moment in Iranian history is seen as the
point of no return for the shah. In "Black Friday," the protagonist is
an aspiring photojournalist named Reza who has to make life-altering
decisions to survive the streets as insurrection breaks out against the
Iranian monarch. The game progresses in a <span style="line-height: 20.8px;">choose-your-own-ad</span>venture style
that allows players to navigate the 1979 Iranian revolution as it
unfolds. Think "The Walking Dead" game series with a historical twist.</i></blockquote>
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<i>This documentary style — also known as verite — comes from
Iranian-Canadian game developer Navid Khonsari of the New York-based iNK
Stories. Khonsari is behind such <span style="line-height: 20.8px;">blockbusters </span>as the "Grand Theft Auto" and "Max Payne" series...</i></blockquote>
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<i>To develop the game's storyline, Khonsari conducted over 40 interviews
with a variety of Iranians both inside and outside of Iran who
experienced the revolution firsthand. Some interviewees went so far as
to provide personal photos of the events in 1978 and 1979. “They remain
anonymous because of the concerns they might have for their own safety
and the safety of their families,” Khonsari explained.</i></blockquote>
The game's Iranian opponents are concerned by Western influence on its development and ways in which it diverges from regime-approved narratives of the revolution. Brian Ulrichhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06986631330360998134noreply@blogger.com4tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5221719.post-39347782523023294012016-05-21T15:51:00.000-04:002019-02-03T18:40:52.347-05:00Afrin UniversityIt has been clear for some time that one outcome of Syria's civil war will be an autonomous Kurdish region, much the way the Persian Gulf War led to an autonomous Kurdish region in northern Iraq. This is not only about the establishment of governing institutions, but cultural institutions which are unlikely to go away, such as <a href="http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/originals/2016/05/kurds-rojava-afrin-first-university-ideology-ocalan.html" target="_blank">this new university</a>:<br />
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<i>Afrin University, the first university based in Rojava (Syrian Kurdistan), began registering students in August. Though it is not yet accredited, the school's officials already plan to expand its offerings and facilities...</i></blockquote>
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<i>“One of the objectives of the university is to bridge the large gap in the educational field as a result of the Syrian war," Abdul Majeed Sheikho, dean of the arts faculty, told Al-Monitor. "The university gives the students an opportunity to complete their studies and to achieve their educational goals. This is a better solution than the decision to migrate.” </i></blockquote>
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<i>The school's teachers hail from the Afrin area and are required to have doctorates or master's degrees in their specialties. Youssuf said 222 students are enrolled: 121 in the literature program, which includes a Kurdish-language section, 50 in engineering and 51 in economics. The school includes institutes for studying medicine, topographic engineering, music and theater, business administration and the Kurdish language.</i></blockquote>
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<i>“Work is in progress for the opening of the faculty of agriculture and the faculty of human medicine in 2016, and probably the media faculty,” Youssuf said. According to him, the university also has plans for a significant science program as the school expands. </i></blockquote>
Significantly, the university will also offer courses in Kurdish cultural studies.Brian Ulrichhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06986631330360998134noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5221719.post-13664903771748582292016-04-09T14:41:00.003-04:002019-02-03T18:40:51.847-05:00Kafala Reform Impact<i>The Economist</i> has a useful summary of how reforms to the system of employer sponsorship of migrant laborers has <a href="http://www.economist.com/news/finance-and-economics/21696533-reform-highlights-how-much-previous-regulations-were-suppressing-pay-wages" target="_blank">improved wages and job mobility</a> in the United Arab Emirates:<br />
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<i>In late 2010, however, Saqr Ghobash, the UAE’s reform-minded minister of
labour, issued a decree allowing workers with contracts expiring after
January 2011 to look for work elsewhere after they had served out their
contracts. Some employers grumbled, aware that this would raise the cost
of labour...</i></blockquote>
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<i>They found that the impact of the new rule was big and fast. Workers’
real wages jumped by more than 10% in the three months after their
contract expired, whereas before the change they barely moved at all.</i></blockquote>
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<i>Even though the reform made it easier for workers to change jobs, the
fraction of workers renewing their contracts increased. More than twice
as many workers did go to a new employer, but this was because far fewer
of them left the country altogether after their contract expired. Over
the first three months of the reform, the rate at which people returned
home dropped by about four percentage points, from a baseline of around
12%. Workers’ original employers, Mr Naidu explains, were offering
higher wages to persuade them to stay on, while higher overall earning
power was keeping more workers in the country.</i></blockquote>
Unfortunately, these changes still do not affect domestic workers. <br />
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
</blockquote>
Brian Ulrichhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06986631330360998134noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5221719.post-71616392229634895722016-03-01T14:38:00.001-05:002019-02-03T18:40:53.032-05:00Iran's New Assembly of ExpertsAmong the best analyses of Iran's recent elections are those by <a href="http://www.payvand.com/news/16/mar/1002.html#.VtXp_aiAk_I.twitter" target="_blank">Farideh Farhi</a> and <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/monkey-cage/wp/2016/02/29/how-irans-elections-marginalized-radicals-and-consolidated-a-new-political-center/?postshare=7511456859762281&tid=ss_twhttps://www.washingtonpost.com/news/monkey-cage/wp/2016/02/29/how-irans-elections-marginalized-radicals-and-consolidated-a-new-political-center/?postshare=7511456859762281&tid=ss_tw" target="_blank">Shervin Malekzadeh</a>. The conduct of the elections themselves is as potentially significant as the results. Both Farhi and Malekzadeh highlight the role of alliances and political pragmatism. As Malekzadeh <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/monkey-cage/wp/2016/02/29/how-irans-elections-marginalized-radicals-and-consolidated-a-new-political-center/?postshare=7511456859762281&tid=ss_tw" target="_blank">reports</a>:<br />
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<i>Everywhere I went in Tehran last week, I heard the same theme:
moderation and standing firm before the forces of radicalism. My
interlocutors expressed a sense of resignation if not outright cynicism
toward the elections and what they might bring in terms of needed change
to Iran. Participants in Iranian elections realize that this is not
liberal democracy. At the same time, just as they had in 2013, many
Iranians expressed to me their overwhelming conviction that voting was
the only way forward if Iran wanted to avoid the fate of its neighbors
in the region, above all that of Syria. Participating in a system, no
matter how flawed, was better than having no system at all.</i></blockquote>
And as Farhi <a href="http://www.payvand.com/news/16/mar/1002.html#.VtXp_aiAk_I.twitter" target="_blank">says</a>:<br />
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: Times,"Times New Roman",serif;"><i><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: xx-small;">More than anything else, the two recent
elections suggested that the time is over when one side thought it could
get rid of the other side for good or even temporarily through force or
a highly manipulated electoral process. Not that some sort of force
majeure was not tried. The Guardian Council, dominated by clerics who
themselves were candidates, unabashedly disqualified most opponents who
could have won through their name recognition.</span></i></span></span></blockquote>
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<i><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: Times,"Times New Roman",serif;"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: xx-small;">But their opponents, instead of withdrawing
or sulking, made the strategic decision to participate in an alliance
that had proven successful in receiving 51 percent of the vote in the
2013 presidential election. And then they made the tactical decision to
connect together, particularly in the city of Tehran, by repeatedly
asking voters to support everyone on the so-called 30+16 lists (the
first for the parliament and the second for the Assembly of Experts).
This was tactically necessary because, in the case of RSG’s Tehran
parliament list, only a few top names were known. The rest were unknown
in terms of their names or points of view and had to be voted in blind
based on who was on top of the list or who supported the list. The
Assembly’s list also had unknown names, but problematically a few names
were connected with dark parts of the Islamic Republic’s history (i.e.
early post-revolutionary executions and the murder of intellectuals and
dissidents). So voters had to be convinced that voting for the whole
list, while unsavory, was worth the elimination of others deemed even
nastier.</span></span></span> </i></blockquote>
The defeat of hardliners for the Assembly of Experts was especially striking:<br />
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<i>Rohani and centrist ex-President Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani easily won
seats in the Assembly of Experts, the chamber of clerics that chooses
and supervises Iran's most powerful official, the supreme leader. </i></blockquote>
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<i>In all, reformist-backed candidates claimed 52 of the assembly's 88
seats, according to the Interior Ministry, including 15 of 16 races in
Tehran. In doing so, they managed to unseat several prominent
hard-liners, including the current chief of the assembly, Ayatollah
Mohammad Yazdi, and Ayatollah Taghi Mesbah Yazdi.</i></blockquote>
My sense is that over the past couple of decades, Iran's conservatives have been most reluctant to allow Reformists a shot at the Assembly of Experts and the Council of Guardians, the latter being the body which vets candidates and legislation. Two points about this past election stand out, though. One is that "reformist" has in some ways been defined sharply rightward since Khatami's presidency. Hassan Rouhani may offer verbal support to parts of Khatami's cultural agenda, but he has never acted on it and his real roots are close to Supreme Leader Khamene'i. The second is that Ayatollah Mesbah-Yazdi was a rival to Khamene'i. It may be that Khamene'i has decided that a tactical Rouhani-style alliance with reformists is the best way to eliminate rivals to his right and maintain his allies in power.Brian Ulrichhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06986631330360998134noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5221719.post-30269514754177016172016-02-05T07:28:00.000-05:002019-02-03T18:40:52.232-05:00Nationalizing the KeffiyehTed Swedenburg's <a href="http://www.amazon.com/Memories-Revolt-1936%C2%961939-Rebellion-Palestinian/dp/1557287635/" target="_blank"><i>Memories of Revolt</i></a> is primarily about the ways the 1936-1939 Arab Revolt in Palestine was remembered in later decades, but within that framework it has a lot of interesting snippets of information about both Palestinian and Israeli identity. One example of this is his discussion of how the <i>keffiyeh</i>, the usually black-and-white checkered square scarf/headdress, became a Palestinian national symbol.<br />
<br />
In early 20th century Palestinian society, the <i>keffiyeh</i> was worn by peasants and Bedouin, and thus went with low-class and rural society seen as traditional as opposed to the modern, urban middle- and upper-classes sporting fezzes. At the time of the Arab Revolt, the rural fighters not only wore them as what they generally wore, but wrapped them around their faces to preserve anonymity. The problem, however, is that when they entered towns and cities, that rural dress made them conspicuous. Swedenburg explains what happened:<br />
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<i>On August 16, 1938, when the revolt was reaching its apogee and beginning to take control of urban areas, the rebel leadership commanded all Palestinian Arab townsmen to discard the tarbush (fez) and don the kufiya. Rebel headquarters in Damascus announced that this was to "demonstrate the complete solidarity of the residents of the country with the struggle and as a sign that everyone in the country is a rebel." British officials were amazed that the new fashion spread across the country with "lightning rapidity." While the order was issued in part to help (rebel fighters) blend into the urban environment, it was equally a move in the wider social struggle within the national movement. One rebel commander, harking back to the Arab Revolt and Damascus battles over headgear, asserted that whereas the fez was associated with Ottoman Turks, the kufiya was the headgear of the Arab nation.</i></blockquote>
The last reference is to the fact that during the Arab Revolt associated with World War I, many supporters of Faysal's armies wore keffiyehs in place of the fezzes associated with the Ottoman Empire. In the case of the Palestinian national movement, though, the opposition between keffiyeh and fez was primarily one of social class, in which many of the urban notables were forced to declare symbolic loyalty to the rural peasantry. Brian Ulrichhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06986631330360998134noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5221719.post-26577181137107649402016-02-04T12:11:00.002-05:002019-02-03T18:40:52.114-05:00Algeria's Murky Presidency<i>The Economist</i> calls attention to the fact that with Algeria's President Abd al-Aziz Bouteflika not seen in public for two years, many say that <a href="http://www.economist.com/news/middle-east-and-africa/21690070-rumours-swirl-around-ailing-president-who-charge" target="_blank">recent shake-ups mask a palace coup</a>:<br />
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<i>Mr Bouteflika can hardly speak and is said to communicate by letter with
his ministers, who nevertheless insist that the old man is <em class="Italic">compos mentis</em>
and in charge. But several close associates of the president aren’t
buying it. Having not seen Mr Bouteflika for over a year, they have
demanded a meeting with him—so far to no avail. Missing person is right,
they say.</i></blockquote>
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<i>Algerian politics is nothing if not murky. For decades a cabal of unelected power brokers has run the show. Known as <em class="Italic">le pouvoir</em>
(the power), the shadowy clique is composed of members of the economic,
political and military elite. But with Mr Bouteflika’s health in
decline, there appears to be a struggle within the group over who will
succeed him...</i></blockquote>
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<i>Algerians have grown accustomed to mystery. Few knew that Houari
Boumédiène, Algeria’s second president, was even ill until he died in
1978. At the time, Mr Bouteflika was seen as a potential successor, only
to be passed over by the army. Two decades later the generals finally
tapped him for the job.</i> </blockquote>
Brian Ulrichhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06986631330360998134noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5221719.post-62826401578509437022015-12-22T15:13:00.003-05:002015-12-22T15:23:16.465-05:00Conversion and Personal Status Law<i>Al-Monitor</i> <a href="http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/originals/2015/12/jordan-law-christians-convert-muslims-women-divorce.html" target="_blank">reports on</a> Jordanian Christian men who convert to Islam so as get better divorce settlements:<br />
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<i>While a man who converts to Islam and divorces his wife is easily able
to remarry, a Christian divorcee seldom has the same freedom. The
Jordanian Catholic courts rarely recognize divorces conducted by Shariah
court judges, in essence keeping Christian women chained in a marriage
that no longer exists. Only when Mary switched from Catholicism to Greek
Orthodoxy did a church judge finally grant her a divorce in 2015, two
years after her husband divorced her in a Shariah court.</i></blockquote>
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<i>Christian women whose husbands convert to Islam face additional discrimination beyond child custody Since only Muslims can receive financial inheritance from other Muslims, according to Article 281 of Jordan’s Personal Status Law, a Christian wife and children face challenging economic conditions
after the death of a husband or father. All Christian family members are
forbidden to inherit from Muslim relatives...</i></blockquote>
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<i>The sheikh also said that a Muslim father has the right to overrule a
Christian mother’s objection to changing the religion of
their child from Christianity to Islam if the child is under age seven.
When Al-Monitor asked why the Muslim father’s wishes held more weight
than the Christian parent, Omari defended the policy, stating, “Islam
believes in all of the previous prophets, including Jesus and Moses, but
Christians don’t believe in the Muslim Prophet Muhammad."</i></blockquote>
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<i>Similar to Mary's situation, Sarah’s husband announced his conversion
from Christianity to Islam in April 2015, when he filed for divorce.
Sarah is <span style="line-height: 20.8px;">most </span>worried about
the fate of her 3-year-old son. Her lawyer told her that her ex-husband
will automatically gain custody of the boy when he turns 7 because Sarah
is Christian. In an interview at Sarah’s home, she expressed her
frustration to Al-Monitor: “I just want my child to stay with me
[like they do with] Muslim women. They are mothers, and we Christians
are not mothers? We are the same,” she said.</i></blockquote>
The important framing for this article, of course, is that medieval religious codes frame Jordan's personal status law. It is worth mentioning, however, that personal status matters have actually been an important factor in conversion throughout history. There is evidence that some Christian men have always converted to Islam hoping to practice polygamy. Christian women have also converted to Islam to escape marriages to Christian men, since Christianity has historically opposed divorce but classical Islamic jurisprudence forbids a Muslim woman to be married to a Christian. Similarly, a prohibition of non-Muslims owning Muslims as slaves has meant that converting to Islam could be a path out of slavery for those slaves owned by a Christian or Jew. Brian Ulrichhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06986631330360998134noreply@blogger.com3tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5221719.post-5402844719798802832015-12-18T11:04:00.002-05:002019-02-03T18:40:52.731-05:00Israel's Jordanian WorkersIsrael is beginning to <a href="http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/originals/2015/12/israel-employs-jordanian-workers-dimissal-palestinians.html" target="_blank">recruit Jordanian guest workers</a> to replace Palestinians:<br />
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<i>On Dec. 2, Hebrew radio Kol Israel announced that the number of Jordanian workers in Israel had recently increased <a href="http://www.alhadath.ps/article.php?id=1951794y26548116Y1951794" target="_blank">from 150 to 500</a>, in a step by the Israeli Ministry of Labor to prepare for the upcoming recruitment of 4,000 Jordanian workers.</i></blockquote>
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<i>The beginning of the influx of Jordanian workers to Israel coincides with a <a href="http://www.aljazeera.net/news/ebusiness/2015/10/24/%D8%A7%D8%B1%D8%AA%D9%81%D8%A7%D8%B9-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A8%D8%B7%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A9-%D9%81%D9%8A-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A3%D8%B1%D8%AF%D9%86-%D8%A8%D9%86%D8%B3%D8%A8%D8%A9-2-4" target="_blank">report</a>
issued Oct. 24 by the Jordanian Department of Statistics. The report
pointed to the high unemployment rate of 13.8% among Jordanians, while
50% of jobs in the Jordanian labor market are occupied by foreign
workers...</i></blockquote>
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<i>Why didn't Jordan consult the Palestinian Authority (PA) before agreeing
to send workers, so Palestinians would not interpret the
act as Jordanian acceptance of Israeli's policies toward them?</i></blockquote>
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<i>The Israeli step to recruit Jordanian workers coincides with the <a href="http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/originals/2015/10/israel-settlements-west-bank-layoffs-palestinian-workers.html" target="_blank">dismissal of dozens</a> of Palestinian workers from their jobs in Israel...</i></blockquote>
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<i>Shaher Saad, secretary-general of the Palestinian General Federation of
Trade Unions, told Al-Monitor, “There is an Israeli policy to dismiss
Palestinian workers to blackmail the Palestinian people and put pressure
on the PA to make political concessions related to halting the
intifada.</i></blockquote>
Brian Ulrichhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06986631330360998134noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5221719.post-15108645643038528032015-11-07T15:47:00.003-05:002019-02-03T18:40:51.923-05:00Joseph and the PyramidsBen Carson is hardly the first person to claim the the pyramids were Joseph's granaries. It was exceptionally common during the Middle Ages, before modern archaeology. Jason Colavito runs down<a href="http://www.jasoncolavito.com/blog/the-long-strange-history-of-the-pyramids-as-the-granaries-of-joseph" target="_blank"> the history of the idea</a>. Here is what he says about the Islamic world:<br />
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<em>The oldest Islamic attestation of the granaries myth that I know of is Al-Idrisi’s History of the Pyramids
(c. 1150 CE), which was likely reporting it from a Christian source;
however, I have read that earlier Islamic authors dismissed the
granaries claim as unfounded. Prior to that, Islamic lore generally
considered the pyramids to be antediluvian structures, or at least
vastly ancient, and the storehouses to be much more recent.</em></blockquote>
The most common Islamic theory about the pyramids is actually that they were built by the prophet Idris (Enoch) as storehouses to preserve knowledge and treasure from the coming Great Flood. The medieval Egyptians knew their contents, for we read in travel accounts that digging for treasures there was a common occupation in Cairo and its antecedents. Brian Ulrichhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06986631330360998134noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5221719.post-2639956377589170012015-10-27T20:03:00.002-04:002019-02-03T18:40:52.075-05:00Tuw'amLast week, <i>The National</i> ran an article on archaeological work at Buraimi in Oman, which is believed to be the site of medieval Islamic Tuw'am:<br />
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<i>For Power the site is important not just because it is at risk, but also
because he believes it sheds light on a period when a local, and now
largely overlooked, Wajihid dynasty held sway over a vast territory that
extended from the Arabian Gulf to Yemen and all the way to Multan, in
modern day Pakistan...</i></blockquote>
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<i>"It’s when the Abbasids established Baghdad as a crucible of Islamic
civilisation and created new forms of material culture that were
exported across the Indian Ocean and beyond – and that’s what we have
here in Buraimi."</i></blockquote>
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<i>One of the main questions for Power and his collaborators on the
project, such as Nasser Al Jahwari of Sultan Qaboos University, is to
establish the age and size of the site.</i></blockquote>
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<i>“A mosque and a falaj and a cluster of quite large and well-built
houses, a reasonable ninth or 10th century village, was found on the
site of the new Sheikh Khalifa Mosque in Al Ain by Dr Walid Al Tikriti,
and our site lies directly to the east of that.</i></blockquote>
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<i>“There is the possibility that they are a part of the same settlement.
The question is whether this is a low-density settlement spread out over
a large area with lots of little discrete villages and hamlets or a
single settlement that’s quite densely built up all the way through.”</i></blockquote>
Power also notes the significance of Tuw'am (or Tawam) going back to pre-Islamic times, and says that the identification of Tuw'am with the al-Ain/Buraimi oasis cluster is conjecture. I admit I am guilty of assuming it was more than that. Power's study of the primary sources has led him to believe that it was actually a regional term extending all the way to the sea, with a specific settlement by that name within it. This is a well-known pattern in Gulf history, seen in the components of the UAE in modern times and also in Kazima, the medieval Persian of Kuwait which I have been involved in researching.<br />
<br />
The article, though, is unusually well-done for media reporting on historical scholarship. Brian Ulrichhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06986631330360998134noreply@blogger.com4tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5221719.post-50268161059812320992015-08-29T14:53:00.000-04:002019-02-03T18:40:52.616-05:00Iraq Reform ProtestsPerhaps because so many journalists are based in Beirut, I'm seeing a lot of coverage of <a href="http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/originals/2015/08/lebanon-demonstrations-corruption-regime-waste-crisis.html" target="_blank">protests in Lebanon</a>. Iraq, however, is also witnessing a sustained, nationwide <a href="http://www.reuters.com/article/2015/08/28/us-mideast-crisis-iraq-reforms-idUSKCN0QX0HF20150828" target="_blank">popular movement against corruption</a>:<br />
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<i><span id="articleText">The capital and many southern cities have
witnessed demonstrations in recent weeks calling for provision of basic
services, the trial of corrupt politicians, and the shakeup of a system
riddled with graft and incompetence.</span></i></blockquote>
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<i><span id="articleText">Tens of thousands of demonstrators filled
Baghdad's Tahrir Square on Friday in what a senior security official
called the biggest protest of the summer. Thousands more rallied in
Najaf, Basra and other cities across the Shi'ite southern heartland
following a call from powerful Shi'ite cleric Moqtada al-Sadr.</span></i></blockquote>
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<i><span id="articleText">Protesters' demands, which initially aimed at
improving power supply amid a sweltering heatwave, have focused more on
encouraging Abadi to accelerate reforms, put corrupt officials on trial
and loosen the grip of powerful parties over the state...</span></i></blockquote>
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<i><span id="articleText">(Prime Minister) Abadi ordered on Friday the formation of a legal
committee to review the ownership of state properties and return
illegally gained assets to the state. Critics say some officials have
abused their authority to appropriate state-owned properties for
personal use.</span></i> </blockquote>
Brian Ulrichhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06986631330360998134noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5221719.post-90940624275528372282015-08-20T19:06:00.001-04:002019-02-03T18:40:53.636-05:00Medieval Islamic History SyllabusHere, bereft of bureaucratic language, is the syllabus for the current incarnation of my medieval Islamic world survey:<br />
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339: The Central Islamic Lands, 500-1700</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";">202
Dauphin Humanities Center, MWF 10:00 a.m.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";">Dr.
Brian J. Ulrich</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"><u>Required
Texts</u>:</span></div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"><i>Islamic
Societies to the Nineteenth Century: A Global History</i>, Ira Lapidus</span></div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"><i>The
Formation of Islam</i>, Jonathan Berkey</span></div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"><i>Islam
and the Muslim Community</i>, Frederick Denny</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"><i>Book
of Travels</i>, Nasir-i Khusraw</span></div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";">Electronic
reserves found on D2L</span><br />
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<div class="MsoPlainText">
<u><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";">Course
Overview</span></u></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";">This
course will cover the regions where Islam was a significant presence either
culturally or politically from its origins until the period of the “Gunpowder
Empires” in the 16th and 17th centuries.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>The first half of the course will deal with the elaboration of Islamic
doctrines and practices in the Middle Eastern imperial context, with close
attention to the debates and issues surrounding the primary sources for the
period.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The second will focus on the way
such doctrines and practices shaped and were shaped by the society, politics,
and economy of later centuries, as well as the spread of Islam to new
geographic regions.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This course’s
contribution to an integrated history curriculum includes an awareness of
issues in approaching premodern primary sources, the nature of premodern
polities, and the way time periods and regions are often bounded in ways
contingent on particular themes and questions.</span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";">This
course will feature two exams combining IDs and essays.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>On November 2, students will submit an essay
on Nasir-i Khusraw’s Book of Travels.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Students will also complete a study of an academic monograph as a
project from conception to reception (“Book Project”).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Pop quizzes will occasionally check reading,
and paragraph writing assignments will occasionally ask you to engage with
readings.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Quizzes and some paragraph
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will be dropped from the final calculation.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
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hand in a hard copy for grading.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"><u><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";">Schedule
of Readings and Major Assignments</span></u></span></div>
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";">
</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoPlainText">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"><br /></span></div>
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";">
</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";">
<div class="MsoPlainText">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";">August
24 – Course Intro</span></div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";">August
26 – Denny, 12-5; Lapidus, pp. 1-25; Berkey, 3-9 (Late Antiquity I)</span></div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";">August
28 – Berkey, pp. 10-39, 50-3; Chronicle of Zuqnin, Part III, pp. 94-99. (Late
Antiquity II)</span></div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";">August
31 – Lapidus, pp. 31-8; Berkey, pp. 39-49; Aziz al-Azmeh, <i>The Emergence of
Islam in<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Late Antiquity</i>
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014), pp. 126-33; James Lindsay, “Traditional Arabic Naming System,” <i>Daily Life in the
Medieval Islamic World</i> <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>(Indianapolis:
Hackett Publishing, 2005), pp. 173-178. (Pre-Islamic Arabia)</span></div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";">September
2 – Denny, pp. 23-37; Berkey, pp. 50-60; Chase Robinson, “Origins,” <i>Islamic <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"></span>Historiography</i> (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, pp. 2003), pp. 1-17 <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>(Historiographical
issues)</span></div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";">September
4 – Lapidus, pp. 39-54, 183-5; Ma’mar b. Rashid, “The Incident Concerning the
Clan<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>of al-Nadir,” <i>The Expeditions</i>,
trans. Sean Anthony (New York: New York University <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"></span>Press, 2014), pp. 66-75; “Reconstructing the Historical
Muhammad” and three posts<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>linked to
at bottom of that page (Muhammad)</span></div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";">September
7 – LABOR DAY</span></div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";">September
9 – Denny, pp. 40-64 (Islam I)</span></div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";">September
11 – Denny, pp. 77-88, 98-106; Asma Afsaruddin, “The Concept of Jihad,” <i>The
First <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"></span>Muslims: History and Memory</i>
(Oxford: Oneworld, 2008), pp. 108-120; Ethar El-Katatney, “To Mecca and Back Again” (web link) (Islam II)</span></div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";">September
14 – Lapidus, pp. 58-65; Robert Hoyland, <i>In God’s Path: The Arab Conquests and<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>the Creation of an Islamic Empire</i>
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014), pp. 56-65; <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"></span>Fred Donner, <i>Narratives of Islamic Origins: The Beginnings
of Islamic Historical </i><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"><i>Writing</i> </span>(Princeton:
Darwin Press, 1998), pp. 174-82. (Early Conquests)</span></div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";">September
16 – Lapidus, pp. 66-83; Berkey, pp. 61-75 (End of “Rightly Guided Caliphate”)</span></div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";">September
18 – Lapidus, pp. 83-6, 114-22; Berkey, pp. 76-82; Fred Donner, “Umayyad
Efforts<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>at Legitimation: The
Umayyads Silent Heritage,” <i>Umayyad Legacies: Medieval <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Memories from Syria to Spain</i>, ed. Antoine Borrut and Paul Cobb (Leiden: Brill, 2010), pp. 187-212
(Second Civil War and<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Islam)</span></div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";">September
21 – Berkey, pp. 83-90; Tabari, Vol. 19, pp. 65-74 (Shi’ism)</span></div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";">September
23 – Lapidus, pp. 122-25, 149-53; Berkey, pp. 91-101; Gregor Schoeler, “The<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Relationship of Literacy and Memory in the
Second/Eighth Century,” <i>The Development <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>of
Arabic as a Written Language</i>, ed.
M.C.A. Macdonald (Oxford: Archaeopress, 2010), <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"></span>pp.
121-126.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(Marwanid Period)<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";">September
25 – Lapidus, pp. 87-90; Berkey, pp. 102-110; Tabari, Vol. 27, pp. 61-70;
Steven C. <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"></span>Judd, "Medieval
Explanations for the Fall of the Umayyads," <i>Umayyad Legacies: Medieval <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"></span>Memories from Syria to Spain</i>, ed. Antoine Borrut and Paul Cobb
(Leiden: Brill, 2010), pp. 89-104 (Abbasid Revolution)</span></div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";">September
28 –Lapidus, pp. 91-104; Berkey, pp. 113-123 (Abbasid<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Empire)</span></div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";">September
30 – Lapidus, 105-13, 126-34; Berkey, pp. 124-9 (Ninth Century)</span></div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";">October
2 – Denny, pp. 64-70; Lapidus, pp. 153-67; Berkey, pp. 141-151 (Sunnism and
shari’a)</span></div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";">October
5 – Lapidus, pp.174-80; Berkey, pp. 130-40; Antoine Borrut, “Remembering Karbala: <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"></span>The Construction of an Early
Islamic Site of Memory,”<i> Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Islam</i> 42 (2015), pp. 249-82.
(Shi’ite Sects)</span></div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";">October
7 – Denny, pp. 71-76; Lapidus, pp. 167-73; Berkey, pp. 152-158 (Origins of
Sufism)</span></div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";">October
9 – Berkey, pp. 159-175; Michael Morony, “The Age of Conversions: A <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"></span>Reassessment,” <i>Conversion and Continuity:
Indigenous Christian Communities in<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Islamic
Lands Eighth to Eighteenth Centuries</i>, ed. Michael Gervers and Ramzi Jibran<span style="mso-tab-count: 2;"> </span>Bikhazi, (Toronto: PIMS,
1990), pp. 135-150 (Non-Muslims and Conversion)</span></div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";">October
12 – FALL BREAK</span></div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";">October
14 – Exam I ID Section</span></div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";">October
16 – Exam II Essay Section</span></div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";">October
19 – Ronnie Ellenblum, <i>The Collapse of the Eastern Mediterranean</i> (Cambridge:<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Cambridge University Press, 2012), pp.
3-11, 76-87, 240-8. (“Big Chill”)</span></div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";">October
21 – Berkey, pp. 179-88; Lapidus, pp. 225-33; Michael Chamberlain, “Military <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"></span>Patronage States and the Political Economy
of the Frontier, 1000-1250,” <i>A Companion to<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>the
History of the Middle East</i>, ed. Youssef M. Choueiri, (Malden, MA: Blackwell,<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>2005), pp. 235-53 (Seljuqs)</span></div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";">October
23 – Lapidus, pp. 134-6, 254-63, 315-9; Nasir-i Khusraw, pp. 1-12 (Persian
culture)</span></div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";">October
26 – Lapidus, pp. 271-3; Nasir-i Khusraw, pp. 13-48 (Random)</span></div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";">October
28 – Lapidus, pp. 238-43; Nasir-i Khusraw, pp. 48-81 (Fatimids)</span></div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";">October
30 – Nasir-i Khusraw, pp. 81-133 (Hajj, Arabia, Basra, Iran)</span></div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";">November
2 – Lapidus, pp. 243-54; Berkey, pp. 189-216 (Military patronage states and
Islam) (Nasir-i Khusraw Essay
due)</span></div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";">November
4 – Lapidus, pp. 306-13; Berkey, pp. 216-230, Leonor Fernandes, “The Foundation
of <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"></span>Baybars al-Jashankir: Its Waqf,
History, and Architecture,” <i>Muqarnas</i> 4 (1987): 21-42.<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>(ulama)</span></div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";">November
6 – Lapidus, pp. 302-15; Berkey, pp. 231-247 (Sufism institutionalized)</span> </div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
<br />
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";">November
9 – Lapidus, pp. 321-4; Berkey, pp. 248-257; Patricia Crone, <i>The Nativist
Prophets of <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"></span>Early Islamic Iran: Rural
Revolt and Local Zoroastrianism</i> (Cambridge: Cambridge <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"></span>University Press, 2012), pp. 472-88. (Popular religion)</span></div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";">November
11 – Lapidus, pp. 264-71; Ibn Abdun, “The Market Inspector at Seville”; <i>Women
in<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Islam and the Middle East: A
Reader</i>, ed. Ruth Roded (London: I.B. Tauris, 1999): TBA<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>(Society in the High Middle Period)</span></div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";">November
13 – Lapidus, pp. 369-406 (North Africa and Spain)</span></div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";">November
16 – Lapidus, pp. 588-606 (West Africa)</span></div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";">November
18 – Lapidus, pp. 507-21; Richard M. Eaton, “Sufi Folk Literature and the<span style="mso-tab-count: 3;"> </span>Expansion of
Indian Islam,” <i>History of Religions</i> 14 (1974): 117-27 (South Asia)</span></div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";">November
20 – Lapidus, pp. 561-6; Geoff Wade, “Early Muslim Expansion in South-East
Asia, Eighth to Fifteenth Centuries,” <i>The New Cambridge History of Islam</i>, Vol. III (Cambridge: <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"></span>Cambridge University Press, 2010), pp.
379-403. (Southeast Asia)</span></div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";">November
23 – MIDDLE EAST STUDIES ASSOCIATION (No Class)</span></div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";">November
25 - THANKSGIVING</span></div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";">November
27 - THANKSGIVING</span></div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";">November
30 – Lapidus, pp. 233-8; 490-506 (Ilkhans and Safavids) (Book Project due)</span></div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";">December
2 – Lapidus, pp. 427-62 (Ottoman Empire)</span></div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";">December
4 – Lapidus, pp.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>521-35, 538-42 (Mughal Empire)</span></div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";">Final
Exam: Monday, December 7, 10:30 a.m.</span></div>
</span>Brian Ulrichhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06986631330360998134noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5221719.post-74317036452485537072015-08-06T15:44:00.003-04:002019-02-03T18:40:53.150-05:00The Algerian ArmyIn a carefully reasoned post, Riccardo Fabiani argues that contrary to some analysis, recent years' political shuffling in Algeria <a href="http://www.jadaliyya.com/pages/index/22347/the-changing-nature-of-the-algerian-political-syst" target="_blank">have not displaced the army</a> from a privileged position in that country's regime:<br />
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<i>Does the evolving balance of power between regime clans mean that a
civilian regime is finally in the making for Algeria, as Bouteflika's
mouthpieces have been claiming? After decades of military interference
in politics, the presidential clan has been quick to assert that the
recent reshuffle within the DRS marks the end of this and the birth of a
civilian regime – a narrative that many inside and outside Algeria have
repeated. Stripped of many of its powers, the DRS has lost influence,
leading the government to claim that the decline of this institution is
the end of military meddling into politics. </i></blockquote>
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<i>However, the picture is more complex than the one the presidential clan
has painted. The much-rumored decline of the janvieristes and General
Mediene, coupled with the rise of a new business class, is only half of
the story. While it is undeniable that "civilian" actors play a much
more influential role than twenty years ago and that the generals have
lost their stranglehold over the decision-making process, the truth is
that the army continues to be a key stakeholder of the current political
system. It is thanks to General Gaid Salah's consent that Bouteflika
has managed to sideline General Mediene – specifically through the
Special Commission on Security. Without the army's support for this
decision, Bouteflika would have probably never attempted to marginalize
General Mediene.</i></blockquote>
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<i>In this context, while the army has lost the dominance over politics
that it had in the 1990s, the military still remains a pillar of regime
stability. The continuity between the Ben Bella and Boumedienne years
and the latest evolution of the Algerian regime under Bouteflika cannot
be mistaken: the army is still the backbone of the system and, despite
the rise of new factions and competitors for power, these challenges are
a weak match to the military. The difference lies in the Bouteflika
clan's ability to maneuver around the army to strengthen its own power
and in the heavy legacy of the 1990s, which makes the army's direct
intervention into politics very difficult given the adverse domestic and
international environment (unless exceptional political or security
circumstances were to justify such an extreme move again).</i> </blockquote>
Brian Ulrichhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06986631330360998134noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5221719.post-78206504401189729302015-07-27T11:53:00.003-04:002019-02-03T18:40:53.300-05:00C-14 Dates for Qur'ansIn contrast to the press hype, scholars of early Islam have not been bowled over by the <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/jul/22/oldest-quran-fragments-found-at-birmingham-university" target="_blank">Birmingham Qur'an fragments</a> carbon-dated to 645 CE or before.<i> </i>This is partly because, as Juan Cole noted, we have much more complete <a href="http://www.juancole.com/2015/07/actually-qurans-bombing.html" target="_blank">seventh-century manuscripts in Yemen</a>. Beyond that, however, C-14 dating provides a date for parchment, not the text on the parchment, and there are reasons to believe the text was regularly later. To quote <a href="http://www.brill.com/qur-ans-umayyads" target="_blank"><i>Qur'ans of the Umayyads</i></a> by Francois Deroche:<br />
<br />
<i>"The famous “Qurʾan of the Nurse” is one of the best-documented manuscripts at hand. Its colophon and its deed of waqf allow us to know that the copy was completed in 410/1020. An analysis performed on a piece of parchment taken from the manuscript helped to evaluate the accuracy of the measurements. A French laboratory determined the radio carbon age of the parchment as BP 1130±30. This result was then calibrated and gave a date range comprised between 871 and 986 AD, with a probability of 95%. The most probable dates, arranged in decreasing order of probability were 937, 895 and 785 AD. The closest result, that is to say 937 AD, is separated by eighty-three years from the date provided by the colophon. If we use the upper limit of the date range,that is to say 986 AD, the difference still amounts to fifty-four years, that is to say half a century."</i>Brian Ulrichhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06986631330360998134noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5221719.post-27007562308255188662015-07-13T19:01:00.001-04:002019-02-03T18:40:52.157-05:00Five Recent Arabian History BooksIn linking to Ron Hawker's "<a href="http://rhawker.me/2015/07/13/5-great-books-on-archaeology-in-the-uae/" target="_blank">5 Great Books on Archaeology in the UAE</a>," the British Foundation for the Study of Arabia asks <a href="https://www.facebook.com/pages/The-British-Foundation-for-the-Study-of-Arabia/442298619144095?fref=nf" target="_blank">after other people's</a> favorite books on Arabian history. In thinking about this, I found myself adding some limits. I considered books only on periods before the first Saudi state and omitted those dealing specifically with Muhammad and the internal politics of the rightly guided caliphs. I also considered only English, for while I can think of both Arabic and French titles that have influenced me, I can't say I really keep up with historiography in those languages except when the latter are published by Brill. (Most recent German works I can think of fall into the excluded categories, and I know nothing about works in Russian except that they exist.)<br />
<br />
What I then realized is that the past five years have seen several path-breaking books bringing innovative insights to the Arabian past. Here, in order of publication, are the five which leaped out at me:<br />
<br />
1.) <a href="http://www.amazon.com/Ibadism-Origins-Development-Oriental-Monographs/dp/0199588260/" target="_blank"><i>Ibadism: Origins and Early Development in Oman</i></a>, by J.C. Wilkinson<br />
<br />
I keep encountering people who don't realize how this book has material relevant to their own work. This book is a masterpiece which serves in many ways as a history of Oman for around a thousand years from around 200 until 1200. As in his earlier work, Wilkinson situates religion and politics in a material context, and skillfully develops the tribal framework which was crucial to the historical actors. His overview of Omani source material is also the best available.<br />
<br />
2.) <a href="http://www.amazon.com/Imperial-Power-Maritime-Trade-Chicago/dp/0970819951/" target="_blank"><i>Imperial Power and Maritime Trade: Mecca and Cairo in the Later Middle Ages</i></a>, by John Meloy<br />
<br />
The Arabia of what Islamicists call the "High Middle Period" is still among the most neglected eras, but Meloy has done an excellent job at bringing local history sources and epigraphy to bear alongside Mamluk sources to portray the political economy of the Hejaz during the 15th century. A key factor was the wealth from the Indian Ocean trade, which the sherifs of Mecca controlled and distributed to their advantage in maintaining influence with the population while also acting in a dynamic power relationship with the Mamluk sultains in Cairo. In its focus on the practice of politics in late pre-Ottoman Islamic states and the role of maritime commerce in the Indian Ocean littoral, it is also the rare book published on Arabia that contributes meaningfully to questions important to scholars working on other areas.<br />
<br />
3.) <a href="http://www.amazon.com/Sea-Pearls-Thousand-Industry-Shaped/dp/0957106009/" target="_blank"><i>Sea of Pearls: Seven Thousand Years of the Industry that Shaped the Gulf</i></a>, by Robert Carter<br />
<br />
I actually reviewed this on my blog <a href="http://bjulrich.blogspot.com/2014/06/pearling-history-of-gulf.html" target="_blank">last year</a>. This is an excellent book which sets out to be a comprehensive overview of the Gulf's pearling industry and an argument that this industry is the most significant element in Gulf history. Although the author does not read the languages of the region, the information it includes is impressive, and both the overarching argument about significance and lesser ones along the way are thought-provoking. Any historian studying the Gulf in any period, including modern times, should be familiar with it.<br />
<br />
4.) <a href="http://www.amazon.com/Red-Sea-Byzantium-Caliphate-500-1000/dp/9774165446/" target="_blank"><i>The Red Sea from Byzantium to the Caliphate: AD 500-1000</i></a>, by Timothy Power<br />
<br />
Also important to broader questions is this book by Timothy Power. I reviewed it for the <i>Journal of Arabian Studie</i>s in 2013, and found it a solid contribution which culminates the developing field of Red Sea Studies up to that point in time and situating it within the broader narratives of regional and even world history. A strength is that Power capably combines both written and archaeological evidence to shed light on, for example, the development of the Islamic state and the economy of the caliphate. One thing I don't understand, though, is why the title says "500-1000," since the book actually starts with 315 CE.<br />
<br />
5.) <a href="http://www.amazon.com/Emergence-Islam-Late-Antiquity-People/dp/1107031877/" target="_blank"><i>The Emergence of Islam in Late Antiquity: Allah and His People</i></a>, by Aziz al-Azmeh<br />
<br />
This book is not for the faint of heart, as I've been through it twice and don't feel I've fully digested it. It is on the list because the third and fourth of its long chapters represent the best available synthesis of the current state of knowledge about late pre-Islamic Arabia, which is usefully set in a wider regional context in the rest of the book in tune with the author's aim to explain the rise of Islam as both religion and empire. It is one of those books where even if you don't agree with everything in it, you will still find much to like and many references you might not otherwise encounter. Brian Ulrichhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06986631330360998134noreply@blogger.com3tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5221719.post-76088533797578400262015-07-12T19:51:00.000-04:002019-02-03T18:40:53.187-05:00Patricia Crone (1945-2015)Yesterday Patricia Crone died at the age of 70. I mention this because she is clearly her generation's most significant scholar of early Islamic history, for even though many of her early conclusions from the 1970's and 1980's look shaky with time, she set the agenda within which all other scholars in the field have had to work. Something like this point was made by Fred Donner in a retrospective review of <i>Hagarism</i>, a book she co-wrote with Michael Cook, in a MESA publication published near the middle of last decade. What he said was more or less that while the authors did not arrive at the right conclusions, they asked the right questions, pushing both against the idea that the Arabic primary sources from the 800's are unproblematic tools for reconstructing the history of the 600's and recognizing that Islam arose in the conquest of the late antique Middle East rather than being a sort of out-of-nowhere bolt of remote Arabian lightning.<br />
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On the latter point, it is now customary for books on the medieval Islamic world to dedicate increasing space to the Middle East before Islam. Ira Lapidus's <a href="http://www.amazon.com/History-Islamic-Societies-Ira-Lapidus/dp/0521779332/" target="_blank"><i>A History of Islamic Societies</i></a> dedicates 18 pages to the topic out of about 450 on Islamic history before 1800. Jonathan Berkey's <a href="http://www.amazon.com/Formation-Islam-Religion-Society-600-1800/dp/0521588138/" target="_blank"><i>The Formation of Islam: Religion and Society in the Near East, 600-1800</i></a> has 53 of its 269 pages before Muhammad, and that title is misleading since only a brief epilogue goes past 1500. Historians studying the 7th and 8th centuries today must take account not only of Arabic sources, but of Syriac, as well.<br />
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A good overview of her influence is found in Chase Robinson's essay "Crone and the End of Orienatilism," available online <a href="http://chaserobinson.net/crone-and-the-end-of-orientalism/" target="_blank">here</a> and published earlier this year in <a href="http://www.brill.com/products/book/islamic-cultures-islamic-contexts" target="_blank">a collection of essays in Crone's honor</a>. Building off Robinsin, I would like to highlight one point. Among Crone's works is <a href="http://www.amazon.com/Pre-Industrial-Societies-Anatomy-Pre-Modern-World/dp/1780747411/" target="_blank"><i>Pre-Industrial Societies: Anatomy of the Pre-Modern World</i></a>, which I have often used in world history classes, to both the profit and anguish of students. As Robinson notes, in this we can see part of her background in asking based on general patterns of history what made the Islamic world distinct. My related point is that in important ways, it and its relationship to her other work shows how she represents an advance over her predecessor as a scholarly trendsetter, Marshall Hodgson. Hodgson's magnum opus was the three-volume <a href="http://www.amazon.com/Venture-Islam-Classical-Age/dp/0226346838/" target="_blank"><i>The Venture of Islam: Conscience and History in a World Civilization</i></a>. It is this civilization model of history which Crone helped Islamic Studies to transcend. As seen most clearly in her last book, the award-winning, <a href="http://www.amazon.com/Nativist-Prophets-Early-Islamic-Iran/dp/1107642388/" target="_blank"><i>Nativist Prophets of Early Islamic Iran: Rural Revolt and Local Zoroastrianism</i></a>, her conception of historical communities is less bounded and more comparative. What a previous generation saw as distinct civilizations are porous both spatially and temporally, and Maori preachers and evolues of the French colonial empire might be points of comparison as easily as Judaism and Christianity. This is a modern development found in many areas of history which have abandoned civilizational analysis, but in Islamic history, it is Crone's ratting the set consensus that made it both necessary and possible.Brian Ulrichhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06986631330360998134noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5221719.post-84827591977635851812015-06-15T23:43:00.001-04:002019-02-03T18:40:53.412-05:00Mongol Impact on Islamic JurisprudenceOne of the more important recent books in Middle East Studies is Guy Burak's <a href="http://www.amazon.com/Second-Formation-Islamic-Law-Civilization/dp/110709027X/" target="_blank"><i>The Second Formation of Islamic Law</i></a>. From its origins until the period of the Mamluks, Islamic law was a highly flexible body of rulings based on often creative individual application of its principles of jurisprudence to reach what in the eyes of the jurisprudents were appropriate conclusions. However, the Ottoman dynasty began exercising a tighter control over it, appointing official muftis whose rulings became normative throughout their realm, as well as approving official texts for legal education and reference.<br />
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Most of Burak's book is taken up with how this process played out, but in his conclusion he steps back and takes a longer view both chronologically and geographically and argues that the Ottomans were simply one case of a post-Mongol shift in approaches to Islamic jurisprudence. Burak notes that other Eurasian polities, notably the Mughals, Timurids, and Uzbeks, followed similar Islamic law policies to those of the Ottomans. He traces this back to Mongol views of Chinggis Khan as a divinely chosen legislator, noting how dynasties which followed the Mongols developed their own legal theories based in part on Mongol ideas. In the Ottoman case, their shaping of Islamic jurisprudence took place through <i>kanun</i>, or dynastic law, a term similar to and sometimes used interchangeably with the Central Asian <i>tora</i> and <i>yasa</i>.<br />
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The origins of the Ottoman Empire are tied to the wreckage of the Mongols as much as the Byzantines, and even though they claimed to have arrived in Anatolia fleeing the Mongols, there is evidence they were actually at one time subservient to the Mongols. It is also a little-known fact in the West that all male members of the dynasty had the title "sultan" before their names, and which distinguished the actual ruler was the Central Asian title "khan" after it. My friend Timothy May has written <a href="http://www.amazon.com/Mongol-Conquests-World-History-Reaktion/dp/1861898673/" target="_blank">a book</a> on the myriad ways the Mongol conquests changed the Eastern Hemisphere and set the stage for the encounter with the Western. It wouldn't surprise me if Burak's ideas turned up in a future edition.Brian Ulrichhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06986631330360998134noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5221719.post-19024231611366618522015-06-12T14:54:00.004-04:002019-02-03T18:40:51.961-05:00Lebanese Guest Workers OrganizeI don't know much about Lebanon, but apparently it has the same restrictive guest worker system as the Gulf states. They have formed a union to <a href="http://www.aljazeera.com/news/2015/06/workers-slaves-150601133232753.html" target="_blank">work for improved conditions</a>:<br />
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<i>But inside (the Migrant Community Center), walls are plastered with fliers about upcoming educational
events for migrant workers, and "Know Your Rights" pamphlets are
liberally displayed. Recently, the centre has become a meeting space for
the Domestic Workers Union, a fledgling organisation that is the first of its kind in the Middle East.</i></blockquote>
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<i>Founded in January, the union - intended as a voice for Lebanon's approximately 250,000 migrant domestic workers, who comprise about five percent of the country's population - made its
first public appearance in early May, with a march in downtown Beirut to
commemorate International Labour Day. Members used the event to call
upon Lebanon's labour ministry to formally recognise the union...</i></blockquote>
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<em>The Domestic Workers Union has a number of demands, including a minimum
wage and a maximum number of work hours per week. The union is also
calling for an end to the kafala system, under which employers can prevent workers from changing jobs or leaving the country...</em></blockquote>
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<i>But the labour ministry has still not formally recognised the union.
Lebanese Labour Minister Sejaan Azzi threatened to have security forces disrupt the union's founding congress, and in a statement to the media shortly after the congress, he deemed the union "illegal".</i></blockquote>
Brian Ulrichhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06986631330360998134noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5221719.post-90906028614798196002015-06-09T20:03:00.000-04:002019-02-03T18:40:53.599-05:00Bedouin Dogs' Ritual PurityLast year, I blogged about the change in <a href="http://bjulrich.blogspot.com/2014/09/the-dogs-of-cairo.html" target="_blank">urban Middle Eastern Muslims' views of dogs</a>, when in the early 1800's they went from valued contributors to human society to ritually and clinically unclean beasts who needed to be driven away. In his <i>The Arab of the Desert</i>, Harold Dickson, the former British political agent in Kuwait, wrote that among Kuwaiti Bedouin, whether the dog was ritually pure depended on what type of dog it was.<br />
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According to Dickson, the greyhounds called in Arabic <i>saluqis</i>, which were widely used for hunting, were considered clean, while the watch dogs who guarded the tents and livestock were not. Because of their ritual impurity, the watch dogs were never allowed in the tents, while the <i>saluqis</i> could even sleep in the women's quarters <i>Saluqis</i> were also prevented from interbreeding with other dogs.Brian Ulrichhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06986631330360998134noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5221719.post-50291977136617599852015-05-27T11:29:00.003-04:002019-02-03T18:40:52.653-05:00Things Moshe Dayan SaidAccording to Tom Segev's<span style="font-weight: normal;"><span class="a-size-large" id="productTitle"> <i>1967: Israel, the War, and the Year that Transformed the Middle East </i>(p. 478), Moshe Dayan said the following about the Israeli occupation of the West Bank:</span></span><br />
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<span style="font-weight: normal;"><span class="a-size-large" id="productTitle"><i>The situation between us is like the complex relationship between a Bedouin man and the young girl he has taken against her wishes. But when their children are born, they will see the man as their father and the woman as their mother. The initial act will mean nothing to them. You, the Palestinians, as a nation, do not want us today, but we will change your attitude by imposing our presence upon you.</i></span></span></blockquote>
In other words, Israel was raping the Palestinians, but it was somehow a good kind of rape. Nice and creepy, that. Brian Ulrichhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06986631330360998134noreply@blogger.com0